More than any other country, Israel was hit this week by Trumpian whiplash; by the checkbook diplomacy conducted in blitzkrieg fashion by US President Donald Trump in the Middle East.

There was something unseemly about the extravagance and opulence that marked Trump’s visit to Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE. There was something childish in President Trump’s enthusiasm for the glitzy gifts and sycophantic love that Arab rulers heaped on.

There was something unnerving in his chummy acceptance of mega-cash and a jumbo jet from the Hamas-supporting, Al-Jazeera-bankrolling Emir of Qatar. There was something unruly in the way he enthusiastically embraced Syria’s new president, Ahmed al-Sharaa (AlJolani), a former al-Qaida commander, complete with quite cavalier sanctions relief for Damascus.

And there was something smarmy about Trump’s assertion that America would use all these ties for Israel’s benefit.

Politicos and journalists fretted all week that Trump’s turbo-charged trillion-dollar dealmaking with oil-rich Gulf nations put Israel at diplomatic disadvantage. They asserted that Israel was being left out or left behind in Trump’s wheeling and dealing.

The uneasy feeling is compounded by other moves Trump has taken in recent weeks which might suggest distance between Washington and Jerusalem. This includes the lightening announcement of direct nuclear talks between Washington and Tehran, and the concomitant flood of statements suggesting that the US would settle for drawdown, not full dismantlement, of Iran’s nuclear and missile military juggernaut.

There was the abrupt Trump decision to call-off the American military campaign against the Houthis in exchange for a Yemeni pledge not to anymore attack US ships; a pledge to ceasefire that clearly does not include Israel.

And then there was Steve Witkoff and Adam Boehler’s negotiation with Hamas to release American-Israeli hostage Edan Alexander. The release is a blessed thing, but the impression that this was done over Israel’s head and at the expense of hostages who are “only” or “just” Israeli – is problematic.

And all-of-a-sudden everybody in the world is talking about rehabilitating Syria and investing in Gaza without a dime of consideration for devastated southern or northern Israel.

In short, it is hard to escape the sinking feeling that Israel just has not been invited to Trump’s party.

BUT THIS is a wrong and ruinous misreading of the strategic picture. Israel still has an indispensable and prominent place in the wild and wooly Mideast of Donald Trump. Trump already has and surely will yet support moves that are critical to Israel’s security and prosperity.

A more positive reconsideration of the strategic picture starts with recognition that Trump’s visit was mainly about business deals to boost American fortunes, stemming from his urgent need to demonstrate economic achievements. This explains his enthusiasm for the insanely rich Gulfies. It does not mean dismissal of Israel.

It is true Israel does not have shiny toys or trillion-dollar business ventures with which to boost Trump, but it has other demonstrable and no-less-valuable advantages to America.

Trump surely understands that without Israel’s decapitation of Hezbollah, the Assad regime in Syria (backed by Iran and Russia) would not have fallen. Trump surely understands that without Israel’s destruction of Iran’s air defense system the ayatollahs would not have been willing to even talk to him. Tenacious Israeli victories paved the way for Trump to cash-in.

Trump surely also understands that Israel’s (still incomplete) evisceration of Hamas and other terrorist groups of Moslem Brotherhood ilk in Judea and Samaria too – evidence the horrible terrorist murder this week of Tzeela Gez – is critical to Saudi and Emirati security and to broad regional stability.

Without this there will be no better future for Palestinians, and the Saudis will have less reason to respect and partner with Israel. Thus, Trump unapologetically has massively resupplied Israel with weapons and backed dramatic plans to depopulate Gaza of the bad guys.

So, while Israel may have seemed absent from Trump’s swing through the region, it was not. In fact, President Trump promoted the Abraham Accords, demanded condemnation of the Hamas invasion of Israel at every step of the way (right in the face of Qatari and Syrian leaders), and talked toughly about Iran.

Equally important, Trump did not plaint about “Palestine” and the two-state delusion; did not moan about Israeli military operations in Rafah, Jenin, the Bekaa Valley (Lebanon), and Derra Province (Syria) – unlike the blessedly passe Biden-Harris team; and did not wail about gas for Gazans and outrageously threaten Israel with economic sanctions – unlike French President Emmanuel Macron.

Throughout, Trump emphasized peace through strength. The message was clear. Trump’s America is seeking sovereign partners who carry their own weight and increase America’s safety, strength, and prosperity across the globe.

This presents excellent opportunities for Israel. This country holds great regional strategic advantage and military strength. If it seizes the moment to act decisively in its own interests – which clearly are America’s interests too, in the main – it will garner Trump’s support. This is particularly true regarding Gaza and Iran.

However, if Israel hesitates or wilts, Trump will lose interest or patience or both. And then he may go off in his own capricious directions, over Israel’s head and without due consideration of Israel’s perspective.

Again, Trump has not abandoned Israel; he is daring Israel to act daringly. He wants Israel to be the regional hegemon that it must be.

In other words, object not to Trump’s swashbuckling regional diplomacy. Complain, if you will, about Israeli procrastination and irresolution. The ball is in Israel’s court, and Trump is waiting for Jerusalem to serve with full force.

SO WHY isn’t this assessment widely heard? Because the political opposition to Prime Minister Netanyahu and the mainstream media which slavishly serves it drive a false, nasty narrative of Israeli malfeasance; that Jerusalem has wrecked relations with Washington, and that Netanyahu has fallen out of Trump’s good graces.

Pundits and politicians gleefully pattered-on all week about Israel being downgraded. They could barely disguise their schadenfreude at Netanyahu’s supposed sidelining. They purposefully misconstrued Trump’s diplomacy to pile on Bibi yet again.

Don’t believe it. Instead, demand that the Government of Israel act expeditiously to take advantage of the strategic windows of opportunity that President Trump holds open for Israel and the region.

Published in The Jerusalem Post 16.05.2025.

President Donald Trump has declared his intention to end the wars in the Middle East. However, in his meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the two leaders will have to address the ticking time bomb that remains in Gaza under the rule of the Hamas. The challenge: preventing Gaza from once again becoming a terrorist base that will spark the next war.

Trump has already proven he is willing to shatter past norms and embrace innovative solutions. This time, Netanyahu must also bring fresh “out-of-the-box” ideas to the table.

Israel must look reality in the eye: Even after the recent ceasefire agreement, Hamas still has approximately 20,000 fighters and dozens of miles of tunnels in Gaza. The terrorist organization is already working to rebuild its capabilities and train a new generation of terrorists. Therefore, Netanyahu must make it clear to Trump that rebuilding Gaza equates to rebuilding Hamas. Any reconstruction of the Strip must be limited to the bare minimum.

The danger is immediate. Make no mistake – every mechanism established to monitor materials entering Gaza has failed in the past and will fail again in preventing Hamas from using them to restore its military capabilities.

Israel and the US must send a clear message to the Arab world: As long as Hamas controls Gaza, another war is only a matter of time, and any investment in reconstruction will be wasted, just as it has been in the past.

During his conversation with Trump, Netanyahu must also warn against the illusion of a “technocratic government” in Gaza. As seen with the so-called “Gaza Health Ministry” and the UNRWA agency, no professional body can exist in Gaza without being controlled by terrorists. As long as Hamas remains the dominant armed force in the Strip, it will ultimately control any civilian authority established there.

The Palestinian Authority (PA) cannot be the solution either. Not only does the PA continue to pay salaries to terrorists and fail to prevent attacks from its territory, but it is also clear that just as Hamas expelled the PA from Gaza in 2007, the same would happen again if the PA were entrusted with security responsibilities in the Strip.

Trump must be told that there may be no choice but to establish a temporary Israeli military-civil administration in Gaza. No other entity aside from Israel will be willing to fight Hamas over the long term. Only an Israeli military administration can dismantle Hamas’ armed control and lay the groundwork for a local civilian alternative that could gain strength in the future.

Preventing reconstruction will not only hinder Hamas’ ability to rebuild its military infrastructure, but it will also send a clear message to Gaza’s population that as long as Hamas remains in power and committed to terrorism, there is no future for the Strip. Additionally, it will signal to Islamist terrorist supporters, who were emboldened by Hamas’ recent hostage deal, that there is a heavy price to be paid for launching murderous attacks against Israel.

Breaking conventions

Trump’s proposal to incentivize and facilitate voluntary emigration from Gaza to third countries is not only revolutionary, it may be the only idea that could lead to sustainable stability and offer Gazans a better future.

Some may argue that encouraging Gaza’s residents to emigrate is unrealistic. But it is worth remembering that before the Abraham Accords were signed, “experts” such as then-US Secretary of State John Kerry insisted that peace agreements between Israel and Arab states were impossible without first establishing a Palestinian state.

Ultimately, when there is a determined President willing to break conventions and advance shared interests with regional states, the impossible becomes possible.

Regarding Iran, an equally pressing issue, it is necessary to reach an understanding with the US on restoring the maximum pressure campaign. This includes demanding that European nations activate the snapback mechanism to reinstate crippling sanctions on Tehran. However, this time, it is also crucial to persuade Trump to present an immediate military threat to the ayatollah regime.

Furthermore, Israel and the US must reach an agreement on joint measures to provide direct support to opposition forces in Iran working toward regime change.

By thinking outside the box and embracing new ideas, it will be possible in the coming years to bring about a historic transformation that will ensure Israel’s security for generations and stabilize the entire Middle East.

Published in  Israel Hayom, February 03, 2025.

**The opinions expressed in Misgav publications are the authors’ alone.**

The inauguration of President Trump opens the door to a historic shift in the strategic alliance between Israel and the US, fortifying Israel’s national security and reshaping the Middle East.

To realize this potential, old paradigms must be abandoned. Israel must present groundbreaking ideas and initiatives. During my tenure as a minister, ambassador to the US, and envoy to the UN, I witnessed how the differing approaches of the Trump and Biden administrations impacted Israel’s security.

Trump’s willingness to break with convention led to transformative achievements, including the US Embassy’s relocation to Jerusalem, recognition of Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and the Abraham Accords. From Israel’s perspective, Trump’s “dream team” and his freedom from past constraints represent a historic opportunity that Israel must not squander.

However, we must also account for Trump’s deal-making mindset and his “America First” worldview. Any proposal presented to him will be evaluated through the lens of US interests.

An urgent strategic shift

First and foremost, we need an urgent shift in strategy toward the “head of the octopus”—Iran. Trump is expected to reinstate his “maximum pressure” campaign, but this time, economic pressure must be accompanied by a credible military threat from both the US and Israel, with the clear objective of overthrowing Tehran’s regime of tyranny.

Only regime change in Tehran will achieve Trump’s goals: ending regional wars, reducing US forces in the Middle East to redirect them to the Indo-Pacific, and expanding the Abraham Accords.

Regarding Gaza, Israel has decided to dismantle Hamas’s military and governing power but has yet to adopt a strategy to achieve this goal. Allowing Hamas to remain in power means another war is inevitable. We must adopt a new strategy, coordinated with the new US administration, which includes halting the transfer of food and fuel to Hamas, reoccupying and holding the territory until it is fully cleared, and possibly imposing Israeli military governance in Gaza temporarily until Hamas’s rule is dismantled.

The images of Gazans celebrating alongside Hamas murderers the release of terrorists highlight the need for a de-radicalization process, which can only occur after Hamas is crushed.

We now have a historic opportunity to replace the failed Oslo paradigm with new solutions for the future of Judea and Samaria, that do not include the disastrous notion of a Palestinian state. Hamas’s support after October 7, even in Judea and Samaria, compels us to clarify to the world that a Palestinian terror state cannot coexist with Israel. We must enlist President Trump in creative new solutions, such as the “Emirates Plan.”

It is worth noting that Trump has recently sought control over Greenland, owned by Denmark, due to its importance to US national security. Similarly, the importance of Judea and Samaria to Israel’s security, as well as our moral and historical right to sovereignty over this land, is exponentially greater. Trump’s return to the White House allows us to address not only the physical threats to Israel but also the attacks on its legitimacy and international standing.

Cutting UN funding

The International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague poses a threat to US soldiers and officials, just as it does to Israelis. The UN, which annually receives $19 billion in generous US funding, frequently promotes an agenda that is not only anti-Israel but also anti-American. As the leader who previously cut funding to UNRWA and withdrew the US from the biased Human Rights Council, Trump is uniquely positioned to cut US funding to the UN entirely, creating unprecedented pressure for reform in this corrupt institution.

We must work with Washington to drive significant change internationally by imposing sanctions on the ICC and promoting legislation that targets the BDS movement. Such legislation should deny US funding to universities that permit expressions of support for terrorist organizations and violent protests against Israel and Jewish students.

If we take courageous, unconventional steps with the Trump administration in the coming year and align ourselves with vital American interests, 2025 could mark a turning point in securing Israel’s long-term safety. It depends on us and the initiatives we present to the president.

Published in  Israel Hayom, January 20, 2025.

**The opinions expressed in Misgav publications are the authors’ alone.**

The fall of the Assad regime, combined with Israel’s decisive blows against Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis, presents a historic opportunity. With a bold US president open to innovative initiatives, there is now a chance to fundamentally alter the Middle East. By dismantling the Iranian regime, this moment could pave the way for normalization between Israel and the broader Arab and Muslim world.

The key to achieving this transformative change lies in demonstrating strength against surrounding enemies, proving Israel’s strategic value to the United States, building a coalition of moderate states, and setting a clear national goal: applying all possible pressure – including a credible military threat – to overthrow the Iranian regime, ultimately consigning it to history alongside Assad’s regime.

President Donald Trump enters the White House committed to ending wars, not starting them. However, he is also prepared to strengthen US allies in the Middle East – foremost among them, Israel – so they can defend themselves. American support will weaken the Iranian-Chinese-Russian axis, fostering sustainable stability and expanding the Abraham Accords.

Trump’s recent statements about the Middle East reflect his principles: distinguishing between allies and adversaries, valuing nations that achieve victories and weaken their enemies, and rejecting endless wars with heavy casualties on both sides.

Israel must act decisively to achieve its objectives against its adversaries as swiftly as possible. In Gaza, Israel needs to dismantle Hamas as a military and governing force, ensuring that humanitarian aid entering the Strip does not fall under its control. Simultaneously, any violation of the ceasefire by Hezbollah should carry a heavy price.

Israel must also demonstrate its strategic value to the US, aligning with Trump’s “America First” agenda. This can be achieved through close cooperation with Washington to advance new regional military and economic frameworks alongside Abraham Accords states and other regional partners, creating a counterweight to China’s expanding influence in the Middle East.

Israel must operate from a position of strength, courage, and uncompromising dedication to its vital interests. Analysts urging Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians in exchange for US support in normalization agreements risk portraying Israel as weak – a liability, not an asset, to Washington.

Reshaping the Middle East requires addressing the regime in Tehran. Israel must adopt this as a bipartisan national objective. Just as Western intelligence agencies failed to predict developments in Egypt, Syria, and Gaza, they may similarly overlook Iran’s next steps. One day, the world could wake up to an Iran armed with nuclear warheads. As an ambassador to the US and UN, I engaged with representatives from regional states, including those lacking diplomatic ties with Israel, and they all recognized that Iran is the root of the problem.

Today, with Assad’s fall, Iran is weaker than ever. Three of its pillars – Assad’s regime, Hezbollah, and Hamas – have been crippled, and the Houthis have also suffered significant setbacks. Israel has demonstrated its ability to strike Iran’s strategic assets, leaving it exposed to further aerial attacks.

Now is the time to complete the task, with US support. This involves launching a maximum-pressure campaign – economically and diplomatically – against Iran. Sanctions must target critical sectors, including energy, finance, defense, and automotive industries. Simultaneously, support for Iranian opposition groups should be bolstered, ensuring their access to encrypted communication and uninterrupted internet connectivity.

If this pressure does not bring about dramatic change or regime collapse, Israel must convince its ally that the only path to stability, peace, and prosperity in the region lies in delivering a devastating blow to the Iranian regime. Jerusalem and Washington would need to target a range of sites across Iran, from nuclear facilities to strategic government and military assets, and economic hubs such as oil facilities and ports.

Beyond Iran, it is essential to address other actors supporting radical terror and spreading hatred and antisemitism, starting with Qatar. It is unacceptable for the US to condemn Hamas for holding American citizens hostage while the same organization operates its financial empire from Doha, a US-designated ally. Nor can Qatar’s media outlets continue spreading venomous anti-Israel propaganda while Trump works to strengthen the Abraham Accords.

Efforts should target government, private sector, and civil society leaders to compel Qatar to make a clear choice: end all support for terror and incitement, expel Hamas operatives, and cease aiding the organization, or face designation as a terror-supporting state and sanctions isolating it from the global community.

To ensure a bright future for Israel, citizens and the Jewish diaspora must unite around one transformative goal: the fall of Iran’s regime. This moment is closer than ever.

Published in  Israel Hayom, December 10, 2024.

**The opinions expressed in Misgav publications are the authors’ alone.**

Donald Trump’s decisive victory creates an opportunity for historic change in the Middle East and globally, while strengthening Israel’s international position.

During my tenure as Israel’s Ambassador to the US and UN, I witnessed firsthand how the differing approaches between the Trump and Biden administrations affected Israel’s national security.

President Biden deserves gratitude and appreciation for military aid and defending Israel at the UN. However, we must acknowledge that the Biden administration’s pressure on Israel and frequent public criticism were serious missteps. These errors complicated achieving war objectives, gave hope to our enemies, and delayed both the end of fighting, the return of hostages, and prospects for regional peace.

Trump’s reelection, having already proven his openness to breakthrough thinking and initiatives, enables a strategic correction and turning point.

Returning to Pressure

First, a dramatic shift from the Biden administration’s ineffectiveness against the “head of the octopus” – Iran – is required. The US must revive Trump’s “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran, but this time economic pressure must be accompanied by military threat and a clear objective of regime change in Tehran. This is key to security stability in the Middle East and advancing “warm peace” between Israel and regional states.

Regrettably, the Biden administration’s strong desire to return to the nuclear deal with Iran and its insistence on old paradigms regarding the Palestinian issue led to opposite results. Palestinians entrenched in their refusal and continued inciting and funding terror. Hamas and Hezbollah hoped American pressure to end the war would cause Israel to abandon its objectives, consequently causing regional states, including some that signed the Abraham Accords, to question warming relations with Israel. Not coincidentally, no additional Arab state joined the peace circle during Biden’s administration.

I have no doubt President Trump will act differently. As someone who previously assisted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s efforts and took significant steps like recognizing Morocco’s sovereignty in Western Sahara – to incentivize Arab leaders to normalize relations with Israel – I believe the Trump administration’s return to pressuring Iran, combined with direct incentives to regional states, will bring us much closer to a peace agreement with Saudi Arabia and subsequently many other Muslim nations.

While Trump declared during his campaign that he seeks quick war endings, I’m certain he and his team understand well that ending the war in Gaza and Lebanon requires defeating Hamas and Hezbollah and restoring Israeli deterrence, otherwise we’ll be condemned to recurring wars in our region. Trump understands that only Israel’s clear victory will bring long-term stability and quiet.

A Distorted Structure Called the UN

The major change I hope for and believe achievable in the Trump era is in the UN arena. Israel’s enemies understood that, given the difficulty of defeating us on the battlefield, they could exploit the UN’s distorted structure to block Israel and embarrass the US.

The UN and its organizations – including the Human Rights Council, The Hague court, UNRWA and others – have deteriorated to unprecedented lows and become weapons in terrorist organizations’ hands.

President Trump isn’t a blind follower of “multilateralism” at any cost. He previously completely cut UNRWA’s budget when convinced the organization perpetuates rather than resolves the conflict. Now we must convince President Trump that the US, as the UN’s largest funder, should completely cease transferring approximately $19 billion annually to an organization that has lost its way and values until necessary reforms are implemented. Such change would create a global shift that would also influence and strengthen Israel’s international standing.

If Israel’s government acts wisely with the new administration, as it did previously during President Trump’s first term, we can witness another four years of diplomatic and security achievements that will secure Israel’s future.

Published in  Israel Hayom, November 7, 2024.

On the eve of Yom Kippur, I know that we are supposed to atone for our sins and forgive others. But one year into a multi-front war in which Israel is battling for its life, I am not in a forgiving mood.

I cannot and do not forgive those around the world who fail to sufficiently support Israel in this existential moment or who weaken the Jewish state.

I find it hard to forgive the Biden-Harris administration for handcuffing Israel at so many critical times over the past year and preventing swifter, neater victory. This includes the current moment when a crushing Israeli blow against Iran is being held back by American angst over escalation and slavish belief in long-invalidated diplomatic “solutions.”

Joe Biden indeed has helped Israel defend itself in so many concrete ways, and for this he deserves deep gratitude. But this ought to be the moment for a crushing Israeli and American blow against Iran’s nuclear military project, not another restricting and enfeebling American bear hug.

There is no way to forgive world leaders like French President Macron, British Prime Minister Starmer, and Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau for slapping arms embargoes on Israel. They profess “robust” support for Israel’s “right” to defend itself but deny Israel the wherewithal to do so when it is in actual need. Their protestations of friendship for Israel have been shown shallow.

Undermining Israel instead of resisting evil

Only an idiot can forgive Western politicians for continuing to support UNRWA, instead of collapsing and replacing it with aid mechanisms that do not brazenly serve as a platform for the never-ending Palestinian “war of return” against Israel, and with facilities that do not serve as actual armed bases for Hamas. The fact that the aid agency is a leading contender for the Nobel Peace Prize (to be awarded this weekend!) is proof of the utter-gutter rank hostility of some Europeans to Israel. Ugh.

The Jewish People and true defenders of freedom globally never should forgive United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who will be remembered, if at all, as a slimy stain on the history of the UN. He has yet to denounce the massacre and sexual atrocities committed by Hamas murderers on October 7, and has not led any efforts to declare them a terrorist organization, nor has he unequivocally condemned Iran’s direct missile attacks on Israel.

And oh yeah, he loves and defends UNRWA with a passion matched only by his gushing embrace of every dictator (like the Turkish and Iranian presidents) who seek to destroy Israel.

Guterres and his wretched army of high-minded diplomats are all about promoting Israeli perfidy instead of resisting real evil. No forgiveness.

I am at a loss to understand, and certainly cannot forgive, Western leaders who davka in the wake of October 7 have doubled down on the drive for Palestinian statehood; people like US President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, as well as European leaders who have unilaterally “recognized” Palestinian statehood to defiantly dump on Israel. This beggars the imagination. It is strategic insanity. And it is profoundly antagonistic.

The call for an “urgent” process leading to Palestinian statehood runs contrary to Israel’s revised, most basic security understandings; indeed, to Israel’s very existence for the medium to long term. A prosperous and safe Israel is just not compatible with Iran-armed, eliminationist Palestinian nationalism – which alas, is all we can expect of the Palestinians at the moment.

None of this seems to have penetrated the closed thinking, the stale air of Western-liberal foreign policy establishments. In my view, there is no forgiveness for delusionary, dangerous, duplicitous diplomacy regarding runaway Palestinian statehood.

There is really no absolution for the American, Canadian, and European university presidents who have found it impossible to unequivocally condemn antisemitic activity on their campuses or end violent anti-Israel, anti-Jewish, anti-American, and anti-Western protests.

Calling for the genocide of Jews is not necessarily against the universities’ codes of conduct, because “it depends on the context,” University of Pennsylvania President Liz Magill averred to Congress, and she was backed by the presidents of Harvard and MIT. “It depends on the context” has got to be the most iconic, infamous, immoral, and contemptible phrase of the year.

These supposed intellectual leaders have created a permission structure for antisemitism. No forgiveness.

State governors, provincial premiers, city mayors, police chiefs, and other local leaders are in deep deficit, too – undeserving of forgiveness and deserving of punishment at the ballot box – for failing to combat the radical Islamists rampaging through the streets of North America and Europe. The rioters burn American, Canadian, and British flags, not just Israel’s, and roar “Death” to America, Canada, and Britain, not just to Israel… But local councilors are cowed into silence.

Government leaders at all levels are similarly undeserving of forgiveness for propagating moral equivalence between antisemitism and “Islamophobia,” something that has become an automatic catechism in every statement against racism and violence.

Everybody knows, but is curiously afraid to acknowledge, that antisemitism and anti-Zionism (which are today indistinguishable) have become genocidal in their agenda and brutally exclusionary to entire communities – against all Jews. Furthermore, the false narrative about Muslims being under attack after the Palestinian October 7 atrocities has it backwards. It is Moslem groups and their extremist leftist allies who are fueling the surge in antisemitism.

Entire books could be filled with the sins of Western media against Israel: for its willing consumption of Hamas propaganda about civilian casualties; its failure to cover the tyrannical, terrorist takeovers of Palestinian and Lebanese societies by Hamas and Hezbollah; its failure to track and raise the alarm against Iran’s hegemonic march across the Mideast; its failure to significantly cover the devastation of Israeli northern and southern communities in the current wars, and more.

No forgiveness possible.

Issues back home

On the home front in Israel, there are people and movements that I find hard to forgive too, although I want to. These are leaders and actors who should make amends and can be granted absolution if they repair their ways. This runs in all political directions.

There are leftist generals still purveying their hackneyed, clearly-proven-wrong security paradigms on the evening news. There are army reservists who threatened to desert the IDF (encouraging the enemy to attack last year), including some who once again are now threatening to refuse-to-serve unless our hostages are “brought home” immediately (as if that were possible)!

There are newscasters who know only to vent “rage” against the government, never capable of broadcasting messages of resilience or stories of heroism, even on the recent first anniversary of October 7 and even as Israel remains at war and needs national unity.

There are ultra-Orthodox leaders who impudently still cannot see the need to assimilate haredi (ultra-Orthodox) men into sharing the national security burden in concrete military terms.

There are right-wing rabble rousers who spread poisonous messages about the “treason” of the Left; and government leaders who still have not shouldered responsibility even in words for the catastrophe of October 7, even as they claim credit for Israel’s appreciable recent victories.

Yes, there is teshuva, repentance, needed at home, and here there is room for brotherly forgiveness – but that is for a different article at a different time.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, October 12, 2024

“I will never forget my first impressions: the smell of sour milk that filled the bullet-pocked, blasted, half-burned houses; the contents of their kitchen cabinets scattered in the rooms, as if blown away by a hurricane.”

And so begins the haunting first chapter of ‘Israel Alone’, the latest book just released by world renowned French philosopher, writer and activist, Bernard-Henri Lévy, or BHL is he is most commonly known, describing in searing emotion his first reaction of being in Kfar Aza in southern Israel, the day after the October 7th massacre by Hamas.

The book, a ‘cri de coeur’, that quintessentially French phrase that translates to ‘a cry from the heart’, weaves from Lévy shock and pain at what he saw from the graves of southern Israel, to how 11 months later, the Jewish state today stands alone, “decidedly, dramatically alone.”

However, I cannot help but keep returning to his reference about the “sour milk”. At the same time as Lévy was in Kfar Aza, I was nearby in Kibbutz Be’eri, another valley of insurmountable death and destruction, in the immediate days after the Hamas pogrom.

When you stand in a place like this, your body might freeze, but your senses are immediately heightened. For me, it was the unmistakable stench of death, the gun residue and the food still left out, from the Shabbat dinners the night before October 7th.

Levi’s account resonates on a profoundly personal level

Shaken to the core at the images that were unfolding on that infamous ‘Black Sabbath’ morning, Lévy flew to Israel the very next day, in order to bear witness and give voice to the voiceless.

As Holocaust survivor and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Elie Weisel once said, “for the dead and the living, we must bear witness. For not only are we responsible for the memories of the dead, we are also responsible for what we are doing with those memories.” And the modern-Jewish state has had no greater ‘witness’, no greater champion, than Lévy, who had dedicated his life to the defending the justness and “the greatness of Israel.”

While in Be’eri, Sderot, Kfar Aza and the site of the Nova music festival massacre, Levy met with survivors, soldiers, first responders and families in agonizing pain, not knowing about the fate of their loved ones, who had just been taken hostage into Gaza.

After opening his book with an emotional punch to the gut about the indescribable horror he witnessed in southern Israel, Lévy proceeds to make the despondent, yet utterly convincing case how, notwithstanding the worst massacre to befall the Jewish people since the Holocaust, the Jewish state stands desperately alone today, in a battle between good and evil.

For Lévy, on October 7th, “more than the Israeli or Jewish soul was murdered here; it was our common conscience”. Today the role of victim and oppressor has been inverted, while basic principles of justice abandoned. And as the State of Israel has been perversely singled out as some kind of international pariah, the monstrosity of Hamas’ crimes and ongoing captivity of hostages has somehow been relegated to barely an afterthought, or unconscionably worse, their barbarism, rape and cruelty justified. Lévy makes the case how this represents not only the abandonment of the world’s sole Jewish state, but an abandonment of the collective moral conscience of the West.

Jews are alone

Though the book is titled ‘Israel Alone’, in some respects, it may as well be titled ‘The Jews Alone’. Simply put, with the exception of some heroic voices, we have been abandoned. Abandoned by world leaders, abandoned by self-righteous politicians, abandoned by civil society and abandoned by all those with whom the Jews stood with, defended and fought for.

Reflecting on this unabated unleashing of Jew-hate and abandonment after October 7th, and even downright support for Hamas in the West, Lévy comes to the painful, reluctant, yet tragically accurate realization that, “no land on this planet is a shelter for Jews.” Invoking ‘Amalek’, the Jewish people’s evil pre-cursor to Hitler and Sinwar, Lévy declares “he has come out of limbo to bang on our doors and drum in our ears.”

In short, as Lévy concludes “Yes, the Jews are more alone than they have ever been”, however, he adds an important caveat, that “tragedy is Greek, not Jewish”.

Despite taking his readers on a journey of utter despair, agony and questioning the Jews place in the world, Lévy ends with an inspiring affirmation in our faith, our history and the indispensable centrality of Zionism and Israel to our future.

Lévy understands that the Jewish people are not defined solely by heartache, loss and the pain that history’s ‘Amaleks’ seek to inflict upon us, but that our collective story is also one of unyielding hope, courage, liberation, and resilience.

Indeed, “the soul, mind, and genius of Judaism are standing firm amid tumult and torment” says Lévy, in his concluding words.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, September 19, 2024.

Four years ago, the historic Abraham Accords between the UAE, Bahrain, and Israel were signed on the White House lawn. Morocco and Sudan soon followed. In the midst of the extremely challenging COVID-19 pandemic, a ray of light heralding a new era of peace, integration, and cooperation broke through the darkness.

Hamas’ October 7 massacre led to an outbreak of regional conflict. Yet just as the original Abraham Accords peace agreements emerged during the COVID-19 era, the next stage of Middle East cooperation and integration—Abraham Accords 2.0—can emerge from the current period of war and tension.

Following the signing of the Abraham Accords, trade ties skyrocketed, over a million people traveled between the Accords’ member countries on new direct flights, and groundbreaking partnerships were announced in fields such as innovation, space, AI, water, cyber and sustainable development. Inspiring initiatives to advance interfaith harmony were launched, including the opening of Abu Dhabi’s Abrahamic Family House, and Muslim-Jewish leadership delegations between Israel and Morocco.

Yet even as Abraham Accords ties grew, a lack of robust American leadership over the last several years allowed China, Russia, and Iran to make inroads into both the MENA and Sahel regions. Then, Hamas’ October 7 rampage of murder, kidnappings, and rape, and the subsequent terror attacks by Iran’s proxy network, created an enormous challenge to regional peace. Extremist media networks like Al Jazeera spread incitement and distrust, while Muslim Brotherhood and Iranian-linked groups sought to use the conflict to promote instability.

At this time of war, the potential of the Abraham Accords to transform the Middle East from a source of conflict into a hub of innovation, economic growth, and tolerance not only remains but is more urgent than ever. Now is the time to launch the Abraham Accords 2.0 in order to shape a future of stability, prosperity, and peace for the region. The next stage of the Abraham Accords must be based both on expanding the circle of peace to include additional Arab and Muslim countries and on advancing paradigm-shifting regional economic, technological, and security initiatives with global impact.

On the economic level, such initiatives should involve advancing the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor such that it encompasses not only overland trade but energy and communications connectivity as well. IMEC would not only contribute to infrastructure development, employment, and global supply chain resilience, but could serve to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative in the region. The existing Free Trade and Qualified Industrial Zones agreements between the United States and numerous regional countries could be expanded and leveraged to accelerate economic growth and integration.

Israel’s start-up dynamism and the GCC’s impressive track record of executing advanced technological projects could be combined via U.S.-led trilateral and multi-lateral frameworks to produce breakthroughs in innovation. Completing the regulatory frameworks and ensuring an encouraging public environment for deepening bilateral ties between current and potential Abraham Accords countries is critical as well.

On the security level, a U.S.-led Middle East Security Architecture encompassing air and missile defense, drones, space, satellites, maritime security, cybersecurity, intelligence sharing, joint exercises, and R&D could empower regional allies to combat threats on their own. Such a regional alliance would help deter and counter Iran, thereby decreasing the chances of an all-out war and increasing the probability of a quick and decisive victory if such a war were to break out. It would also help protect U.S. bases, while enabling an eventual shift of U.S. assets to other theatres, including the Indo-Pacific.

Looking forward, once Hamas has been defeated, and the Gaza Strip has been demilitarized and deradicalized, Gaza could be integrated into new regional frameworks for economic, energy, and logistical cooperation. This would contribute to the stability and growth of the entire region.

Turning the Abraham Accords 2.0 vision into a reality will require strong American leadership and a holistic approach that combines diplomatic, economic, and security components. It will also require a willingness by the United States and all of its allies and partners in the region to actively invest in promoting Abraham Accords ties and breaking down long-standing barriers to cooperation.

The ongoing conflict and geopolitical tensions should not lead us to abandon the successful strategies that led to the Abraham Accords. It is indeed more urgent than ever that we take ambitious steps to deepen these historic agreements, expand warm peace through strength, and shape a brighter future in the Middle East. At the darkest of times, the greatest opportunities can appear.

The article was written together with Aryeh Lightstone is the former US Special Envoy for Economic Normalization and Executive Director of the Abraham Accords Peace Institute (AAPI).

Published in RealClear world, September 14, 2024.

• Public diplomacy is an essential element in Israel’s war effort, but is important to Israel’s international standing at all times.
• Israel’s Public Diplomacy Directorate was unprepared for a crisis and improvised solutions, which have been insufficient. The IDF’s Spokesperson Unit was better prepared.
• A larger Public Diplomacy Directorate with full-time professional staff that goes beyond on-camera spokespeople and includes researchers, public relations professionals, graphic artists, representatives of intelligence bodies and more is necessary.
• The various government offices handling public diplomacy, as well as the IDF Spokesman’s Unit should improve their cooperation and coordination.

Introduction:

Public diplomacy has long been a problematic area for Israel. The Hebrew word for “public diplomacy,” hasbara, is a hint at Israel’s longstanding challenges in this area. “Hasbara” means “explanation” – but explaining what happened after the fact is far from sufficient to meet Israel’s international challenges.

Effective public diplomacy is essential for Israel at all times, but that need is even more acute in wartime, when distorted images and interpretations of the Jewish state’s actions can limit its ability to defend itself and attain its war aims. While “good PR” is not a magic wand that will solve all of Israel’s problems – especially when there is a sizable global audience predisposed against the Jewish state for a variety of reasons – it can only help, and “bad PR” is an unforced error that continues to damage Israel’s international standing and war effort.

Israel’s government needs a fully staffed team of professionals in communications, marketing, intelligence and other relevant areas to bring positive results that will support Israel’s war effort and boost its standing in calmer times.

The Misgav Institute hosted a webinar with three experts who played a role in Israel’s public diplomacy in the war with Hamas that began on October 7: former government spokesman Eylon Levy, Lt. Col. (Res.) Jonathan Conricus  and  Matt Krieger, CEO of strategic communications firm Gova10 and the chief communications officer of the campaign advocating for Israeli-American hostage Hersh Goldberg-Polin’s release from Hamas captivity. This paper is based on the insights reached in that webinar.

The Problems

 Civilian public diplomacy efforts: 

When Operation Swords of Iron began, Israel’s National Public Diplomacy Directorate, a unit within the Prime Minister’s Office, had a new head and a small staff. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not have a spokesperson for the foreign press. The system that eventually came about, of daily online briefings in English and a system of coordinating television and radio interviews for official government spokespeople, was improvised after October 7. Publisher Rotem Sella, of his own initiative, sought out media contacts (including the author of this paper, who was unable to participate) to try to share details of the October 7 massacre with the world. Levy was one of the first people he called, as well as journalist Tal Heinrich. Within weeks, their volunteer operation was absorbed by the Public Diplomacy Directorate, with some of the staff paid by a contractor to avoid byzantine government hiring practices, but many remaining volunteers.

This system has mostly remained, with a rotating team of spokespeople for daily briefings and TV and radio interviews, but little other staff to research and prepare the spokespeople. Nor did the Public Diplomacy Directorate hold regular briefings in any languages other than English and, for a time, Arabic.

The limitations of the current system are such that the address for handling print and online written media inquiries and requests remains unclear, and the spokespeople in the briefings are given broad talking points, instead of detailed information to answer journalists’ questions. They are also unable to take initiative and pitch the stories that Israel may want to be widely known, both due to time constraints and their narrow remit.

The National Public Diplomacy Directorate has tried to work on Israel’s online presence, and reports launching over 200 advertising campaigns, using physical billboards as well as digital platforms, producing videos and still content emphasizing Israel’s messages. They launched a website titled the “October 7 Hamas Massacre.” They also invited influential figures to their command center. The directorate reports over 2 billion hits for its campaigns, and 43 million for the Hamas massacre website in its first three days.

IDF public diplomacy efforts: 

The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit dominates Israel’s international public image. The unit is a veritable empire compared to the Public Diplomacy Directorate, but when men in uniform are conveying Israel’s messages, “it begins to look a little bit like martial law,” as Levy put it in the webinar. And while this has not always been the case, the prominent representatives of the IDF in the media in this war have not represented Israel’s diverse population.

The unit has, to a great extent, resolved some of its past problems in international communications, such as its longtime penchant for prioritizing access for Hebrew-language media outlets even in times of international crisis. In the current war, IDF Spokesperson Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari has put international media at the center of his strategy, viewing global communications as a tool through which to enable the IDF to operate. Hagari also has sufficiently proficient English to address foreign outlets himself, which he has done in briefings, press conferences, and appearances in foreign news segments.

However, like Israeli government communications, much of this came together in wartime rather than be part of an overarching strategy. Many of the prominent figures in the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit in recent months were reservists who left jobs and families to spend their time helping the army, which in most cases was not sustainable long-term, though some have been hired by the IDF.

There is also a lack of effective coordination between the IDF and the Public Diplomacy Directorate; Levy said he would look to Conricus’s social media accounts for information – as opposed to communication being shared between the offices in which they served in a timely manner. This is true for the Foreign Ministry and Diaspora Affairs Ministry, which engage in related activities, as well. 

Recommendations 

Israel needs a formal, professional, civilian body responsible for public diplomacy, with a budget and full-time paid personnel enabling it to operate more fully at all times, not only in wartime. Having consistent names and faces that journalists and the public know will allow for more effective communication when a crisis breaks out. That full-time public diplomacy team would prepare a crisis communications plan, to be put in place during wartime.

That plan could include “enlisting” additional spokespeople temporarily, but capable people able to represent the government on camera in key languages – not only English – should be employed full-time. Foreign Ministry employees, many of whom have useful experience in this area, can be loaned out to the Public Diplomacy Directorate for this purpose, in a similar way to how some are loaned out as diplomatic advisers to government ministries and the Knesset speaker.

Visual communications are often as important as what is said by the spokespeople. Therefore, while their abilities are the highest priority, the team of spokespeople should have an appropriate gender balance and reflect Israel’s diverse society.

Permanent spokespeople are not the only employees that a more robust public diplomacy system needs. The IDF Spokesman’s Unit should have an intelligence officer permanently on its staff to examine open-source intelligence for Israel’s advantage, as well as to rapidly respond to accusations of wrongdoing. Public relations experts who would not necessarily be on camera are important as well, to field reporters’ questions and work with non-broadcast media. Graphic and video artists are needed, as well as fact-checkers and researchers to support those who are speaking to the press and the public.

A larger staff for the PMO Public Diplomacy Directorate would also allow for the cultivation of relationships with journalists, facilitating deeper and more frequent background briefings and the pitching of stories that show Israel in a more favorable light.

More foreign media should be allowed to embed with IDF troops in Gaza. When foreign media are allowed to directly accompany the IDF, this often leads to more accurate and nuanced portrayals of IDF operations.

The Public Diplomacy Directorate is meant to coordinate between different bodies communicating the government’s messages at home and abroad – it must make a greater effort in that respect, especially by integrating the IDF into the broader structure, without putting obstacles in front of its efforts that are working well. Cooperation between the Public Diplomacy Directorate, the Foreign Ministry and the Diaspora Affairs Ministry should be deepened as well, to ensure that a consistent message is being sent and that all of Israel’s public diplomacy assets worldwide are being used effectively.