With the dust barely settled from the IDF’s precision strike in Beirut, uncertainty hangs over how, or when, Hezbollah will choose to retaliate for the killing of Haytham ‘Ali Tabataba’i– the group’s military wing chief. What is certain is that Israel has made it explicitly clear to the terrorist organization, and to everyone meddling in the turbulent Middle Eastern affairs, that it is resolved to prevent its military reconstruction, even if it means an increased risk of the fighting flaring up.

Almost a year after the ceasefire agreement with Lebanon took effect, and following clear indications that Israel was unwilling to tolerate Hezbollah’s entrenchment efforts or the Lebanese government’s inaction, Israel carried out a surgical and focused attack on the organization’s most senior military operative, who had been charged with the task of rebuilding its strength.

Israel did not equivocate or apologize but instead took full responsibility for the action. Crucially, Israel maintained a normal routine on the home front, a move calculated to prevent the enemy from interpreting a change in policy as an acknowledgment of a necessary response equation, particularly for eliminations at this senior level.

This operation represents a significant intelligence and operational coup for the IDF, especially considering Hezbollah’s adjustments over the past year and the lessons the group drew from the war. Israel is signaling that it retains the capability to track down terror operatives, locate their hideouts, and execute precise strikes deep inside residential areas of the Lebanese capital.

The willingness to conduct this operation, coming just weeks after Naim Qassem warned publicly that “the continuation of the aggression unacceptable and everything has a limit,” underscores that Israel is not deterred by the possibility of its actions leading to renewed fighting.

Israel is conveying this message through the elimination of Tabataba’i not only to other Hezbollah operatives but also to Hamas in Gaza, the Iranian leadership in Tehran, the Lebanese government in Beirut, Ahmad al-Sharaa in Damascus, and the various countries involved in security arrangements in both arenas, from Turkey and Qatar to Egypt and Saudi Arabia. By taking this action, Israel is reaffirming its commitment to independently disarm its enemies should political arrangements prove incapable of doing so.

While Hezbollah leaders will undoubtedly attempt to leverage the strike to unite Lebanese forces against Israel, the operation could conversely bolster the Lebanese government’s demands of Hezbollah, most notably its call for a state monopoly on weapons.

Finally, the Beirut strike shows that Israel’s operational latitude remains intact under the current Trump administration policy. Although the administration prefers to avoid a renewal of intense fighting, it displays understanding, and possibly even support, for Israel’s pinpoint operations after other diplomatic efforts to prevent its enemies’ military expansion have been exhausted. It’s plausible that the American administration believes such a strike will not impede the political track but may even accelerate progress toward a resolution.

Much like Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon is being forced by Israel’s actions into a critical decision point where every available option is detrimental. If the group chooses restraint and de-escalation, Israel will continue to eliminate its operatives and further erode its tattered dignity. If it opts for a forceful response, it will incur a steep cost and bolster the arguments of its opponents within Lebanon. And if it settles for a symbolic counter-strike, it will demonstrate weakness against Israel and cheapen the value of its senior commanders’ lives.

Today, neither Hezbollah nor Hamas possesses the leverage to constrain Israel’s actions or impose a price that would compel it to hold back.

The enemy’s attempts to inflame the Judea and Samaria arena and thereby complicate Israel’s operations and extract a cost have persisted since the war began. The security establishment has learned how to manage this threat, and its ongoing operations have largely prevented the enemy from achieving its desired effect.

It is reasonable to assume that Hezbollah is also exploring the option of carrying out attacks abroad, potentially with or without the aid of other Iranian actors. This potential scenario is also a priority on the security establishment’s agenda.

The most challenging scenario demanding focused attention from Israeli agencies is a kidnapping attempt. Hamas is acutely aware of the difference between the reality before the release of the living hostages and the current situation, despite existing agreements. The lure of a kidnapping is substantial. While conditions in the Gaza Strip may create opportunities, the threat is not limited to that front.

Now is the time to heighten vigilance and intensify intelligence and preventative efforts across all theaters. IDF forces must be permitted to adopt an aggressive fire policy to protect the areas under their control within the Strip’s limits, thereby preventing Gazans from gaining access to those zones. Concurrently, offensive operations against terror operatives with relevant expertise in Judea and Samaria and east Jerusalem must be stepped up. The message must be unequivocal: Do not permit another kidnapping – at any cost.

Published in  Israel Hayom, November 24, 2025.

During the months of September and October 2024, Israel succeeded in inflicting a series of severe blows on Hezbollah, which greatly weakened the organisation. Since the ceasefire and in the spirit of the side understandings with the US, Israel has been careful to act steadily and resolutely to thwart Hezbollah’s efforts to rearm and to shape new rules of the game.

In the wake of October 7, Israel has resolved that what existed in Lebanon can no longer be tolerated. The rules of the game have changed: Israel will not accommodate or contain Hezbollah’s attempts to rebuild. It treats the group’s intentions and declarations as serious threats even in its weakened state. Since the ceasefire, Israel has maintained military positions at five sites in southern Lebanon and reserved full operational freedom to counter any attempt by Hezbollah to reconstitute its strength — a move Israel regards as a breach of the agreement. The border zone remains deliberately depopulated; Shiite villages and towns close to the frontier have been kept empty and their residents denied return.

Hezbollah, humiliated and badly weakened by last year’s blows – exposed to deep Israeli penetration of its ranks and intelligence – is trying to restore its standing, with the help of its patron Iran. Israel therefore proceeds with determination, perseverance and vigilance, preparing both to deter and, if necessary, to escalate. If fighting resumes and Hezbollah bets it can overturn the new equation, it will face an army that is trained, battle-hardened, well-equipped and no longer distracted by large-scale operations in Gaza. Today’s Israel prefers to consolidate the new security reality by measured means; but should it be forced into a major escalation, the destruction of Hezbollah would almost certainly become the principal war aim – and Israel would likely find partners who view such a campaign as an opportunity to complete a long-needed regional realignment.

Israel has two partners in its effort, each for its own reasons. The Lebanese president and the Lebanese government want Hezbollah to be disarmed and politically weakened. At the same time, Syria is working against Hezbollah by systematically thwarting the remnants of its infrastructure in Syria, disrupting attempts to smuggle weapons from Syria to Lebanon, and even attacking Hezbollah forces on the Syrian-Lebanese border. Syria sees Hezbollah and its patron Iran as a threat and is working to prevent Tehran’s influence in Syria and its attempt to establish military capabilities and infrastructure in Syria against Israel.

The organisation’s leader, Naim Qassem, a pale man, devoid of charisma and, above all, experience like those of Hassan Nasrallah, is unable to step into the latter’s shoes. Many of the organisation’s senior and talented commanders have been eliminated by Israel, and the organisation has been deeply penetrated by Israel.

However, the organisation, humiliated and imbued with revenge, has not lost its determination and Iran has not lost hope. Despite the severe damage that Israel has inflicted on Hezbollah’s infrastructure and capabilities, as well as on the organisation’s military and political chain of command, the group remains capable of attacking Israel as well as Israeli and Jewish targets abroad.

Since the ceasefire, the organisation has worked to restore its capabilities, rebuild command-and-control structures, close intelligence vulnerabilities, and placate Lebanon’s Shiite population – the source of its power – which was badly hit by the war, with many losing their homes and now living as displaced persons.

The organisation is also trying to restore its political status in Lebanon and fight the efforts of the Lebanese president and the prime minister to weaken it. Iran, for its part, continues its efforts to strengthen Hezbollah. After losing Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and after the severe attacks that Israel inflicted on the Houthis in Yemen, and especially after the attack on Iran itself in Operation “Rising Lion”, Hezbollah remains Iran’s last chance to restore its regional status and rebuild deterrence against Israel. It also needs Hezbollah in the event that it is attacked by Israel or decides to attack Israel on its own initiative.

Iran, though, is facing significant difficulties in its efforts to help Hezbollah recover. Its ability to smuggle weapons and components for the production of missiles and other precision weapons into Lebanon via Syria has been severely affected by the change that has occurred in Syria since the fall of the Assad regime and the suppression efforts of the Syrian regime led by Ahmed al-Sharaa. At the same time, Israel is working to thwart these efforts both in Syria and in Lebanon. Just last week, the Israeli Air Force bombed a fortified facility dug into a mountain in the Lebanese Bequa Valley as a protected base for storing and launching missiles. Iran’s efforts to use civilian aircraft to smuggle weapons and money into Lebanon for Hezbollah are also not going well. Many of these attempts are thwarted by the Lebanese authorities. It is reasonable to assume that some of the intelligence about these Iranian efforts is reaching Lebanon from Israel, either directly or through the Americans.

Israel, Syria, and Lebanon now share a common interest in weakening Hezbollah and dismantling its capabilities. Each has found ways to cooperate toward this goal, with the United States – alongside France and Saudi Arabia – providing strong backing to the Lebanese president and his government.

This cooperation lays the groundwork for closer regional ties and creates more favourable conditions for eventual accession to the Abraham Accords, in line with President Trump’s vision – a process likely to unfold gradually over time rather than in a single step.

Published in The Jewish Chronicle, October 28,  2025.

Executive Summary

• Only a comprehensive peace with Israel can truly unlock Lebanon’s future. The Solomon-Hiram Accords envision a historic Israel–Lebanon agreement that ends border disputes, stabilizes the region, and provides the indispensable foundation for restoring Lebanon’s shattered banking system and economy.
• Without peace, no financial solution is possible. The IMF’s failed 2022 plan showed that technical fixes collapse in the face of political instability. By contrast, peace with Israel is the confidence catalyst that can draw back capital, free frozen deposits, and replace conflict with prosperity.
• The framework would leverage Lebanon’s hidden assets—prime Mediterranean coastline, natural gas reserves, and existing port infrastructure—transforming them into engines of recovery and positioning Lebanon as a hub for regional trade in partnership with Israel.
• Financing formula: Public asset securitization (up to $50B), reversal of unfair crisis-era currency conversions (~$10B), and cooperative energy development with Israel, could cover the vast majority of Lebanon’s recapitalization needs from domestic resources.
• Peace-driven private capital flows—from the Lebanese diaspora, Gulf sovereign wealth funds, and European investors—could bring in $50–100B within five years, organically rebuilding the banking system without reliance on international bailouts.
• Every stakeholder gains: Lebanon restores deposits and jobs, Israel secures its northern frontier through integration rather than war, Gulf states counter Iran with investment, and the West proves that diplomacy and peace can deliver economic transformation.

To read the full article

Hezbollah secretary-general Naim Qassem’s latest speech on Monday signals the organization’s growing willingness to threaten Lebanon with civil war. This comes amid continued pressure from Lebanese authorities to disarm Hezbollah of its weapons. Qassem declared that the Lebanese government’s decision to disarm Hezbollah represents acceptance of American dictates, and called on the government to cancel it.

Ahead of the protest rally that Hezbollah and other organizations plan to hold on Wednesday at Riad al-Solh Square, near the parliament building in Beirut, Qassem emphasized in his speech Hezbollah’s firm position, with its main points being that the organization refuses to surrender its weapons, and is even prepared to confront Lebanese authorities to preserve the weapons, which are “our spirit, our honor and the future of our children,” according to Qassem’s words in his speech.

The clear address in Qassem’s words is to President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. Hezbollah propagandists are already calling both of them on social media by the dubious title “Yazid” after the Umayyad Caliph Yazid, hated by the Shiites, who was responsible for the murder of Imam Hussein in the Battle of Karbala in 680. Alongside them, other Hezbollah propagandists on social media are calling for violent confrontation during Wednesday’s protest rally. In this context, it should be noted that recently security around President Aoun and Prime Minister Salam has been increased, out of fear that their fate will be similar to that of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri, who was eliminated by Hezbollah in 2005.

Will the country be torn apart again?

Hezbollah is not interested in civil war. Such a war would cause severe image damage to the organization, which seeks to stick to its worn-out slogan, “the army, the people and the resistance,” which Qassem repeated in his speech, even though Lebanese state leaders have made it clear that its validity has expired. A civil war would drag Lebanon back to the well-remembered territories from the not-so-distant past, in which the country was torn apart in a bloody internal war, and would clarify the righteousness of the authorities in Beirut, according to which Hezbollah prefers its weapons over stability in Lebanon.

Hezbollah is pushed into a corner, and therefore seeks to exert counter-pressure on Lebanese state leaders through a series of shows of force, the closest of which will take place on Wednesday. The significant support that the organization still enjoys among its social base, the Shiite community in Lebanon, allows it to express a firm position against the historic decision of the Lebanese government to disarm it of its weapons by the end of 2025.

Alongside this, despite the political revival of the Lebanese state, its army and security mechanisms are still weak and will not be able to force Hezbollah to disarm. The Iranian backing also instills confidence in Naim Qassem’s policy and encourages him to resist pressures from the Lebanese government and the Trump administration.

The cards that Israel might lose

However, the fundamental disagreement that is shaking the political arena in Iran these days – around the regime’s policy in the post-war era against Israel –also spills over to Tehran’s position in light of the crisis in Lebanon. In contrast to the firm support that conservatives in Iran express for Hezbollah’s position, in recent days, some of the reformist circles are calling on the regime to change its policy. According to these circles, Tehran should not intervene in the internal Lebanese issue; in their approach, Hezbollah should respect the decision of the Lebanese government, which is the sovereign in the country, since weapons should be held exclusively by it, and the existence of an armed organization in Lebanon is unacceptable. The reformist camp even questioned the usefulness of the visit that the secretary of the Supreme Council for National Security, Ali Larijani, made to Beirut. They even warned that Tehran’s intervention in Lebanon could harm the regime, that it could serve as a pretext for the US and Israel to act again against Iran. Therefore, the proposed solution that emerges from them is to integrate Hezbollah into the Lebanese army.

However, the regime’s support for Hezbollah’s position was well expressed in the statement by the deputy coordinator of the Quds Force, Iraj Masjedi, according to which the Lebanese government’s decision to disarm Hezbollah is an “American-Zionist plan that is not acceptable to the Lebanese people, and will never be realized.”

Qassem called in his speech on the government, of which Hezbollah is still a member, to hold intensive discussions in which it will examine how to restore its sovereignty, which was damaged in the shadow of the continued Israeli presence in the five outposts penetrating southern Lebanon. He also called on parties, elites, and influential figures in the country “to help the government in the way of thinking and implementing plans,” and alongside this, also presented the solution that Hezbollah proposes. Israel should withdraw from southern Lebanon, stop the attacks against Hezbollah, and release its prisoners, and in parallel, the Lebanese state should begin the reconstruction of the south. In return, after completing these moves, which would remove from Israel its strategic cards, Hezbollah would be ready to discuss the “defense strategy” of Lebanon, according to Qassem’s words.

In recent contacts with the American government’s envoy to Lebanon and Syria, Tom Barrack, Israel offered, according to reports in the Lebanese media, to turn the contact villages strip in southern Lebanon into an uninhabited and disarmed economic zone. In return, Israel offers a gradual cessation of attacks and assassinations, gradual withdrawal from several occupied areas, and “completing the issue of Lebanese prisoners.” Such an agreement between Israel and Lebanon could indeed accelerate the return of northern residents to their homes. However, it does not address the need to deliver a severe blow to Hezbollah also in the political sphere, in the shadow of the new reality. Therefore, Israel might give up important cards and leave Hezbollah as a popular force among the Shiites in the country, who make up its power base.

It seems that in the struggle against Iran’s multi-year investment in Lebanon, there are no shortcuts. Israel and the US should strive to undermine Hezbollah among the Shiites, through establishing a competing network to the organization’s propaganda apparatus, and political support for its opponents from within the community. Until then, it is almost certain that Hezbollah will dare to threaten Lebanon’s stability, based on the extensive support from the Shiites in the country.

Published in  Israel Hayom, August 28, 2025.

Among Lebanese Shi’ites there is a widespread perception that their community must not return to the era of persecution and oppression that lasted hundreds of years under the Ottoman Turks and continued under the French Mandate and modern Lebanese state (until the founding of the first Shi’ite political movement, Amal, in 1975 followed by Hizbullah in 1982). Though they have long constituted the largest community in Lebanon (with estimates of up to 40 percent of the country), Shi’ites were at the bottom of the social, economic, and political ladder.

Today, the harsh scenes of sectarian violence in Syria reinforce the Lebanese Shi’ites’ perceived need to maintain an armed force to protect their community. Hizbullah also portrays itself as the defender of the Lebanese nation against Israeli military incursions. Hizbullah views its weapons as an existential need and will continue to reject pressures to disarm.

A comprehensive strategic plan must be formulated, with the participation of the Lebanese state, US and Israel, in order to undermine Hizbullah’s deep influence within the Shi’ite community in Lebanon, an influence achieved through extensive Iranian patronage for over four decades.

Hizbullah’s Current Crisis 

Hizbullah faces a deepening crisis since the November 27, 2024 ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel. Militarily, Israel continues to target Hizbullah operatives, including Radwan Force commandos, and to destroy military infrastructure, focusing especially on missile production bases. According to the Alma Research Center, Israel has killed 136 Hizbullah operatives between the November 2024 ceasefire and August 2025.

Economically, the United States is expanding sanctions against Hizbullah’s financial network, at a critical time when the organization needs funds to rebuild its damaged social base. Under pressure from the Trump administration, Lebanon’s central bank has prohibited financial institutions in Lebanon from dealing with Al-Qard Al-Hassan, Hizbullah’s quasi-bank.

Politically, Lebanese leaders are publicly declaring the need to disarm Hizbullah. On March 21, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam declared, “The army, people, resistance equation [a Hizbullah slogan] has become a thing of the past,” and he demanded that the state hold sole control over weapons. On August 13, during the visit to Beirut of Iran’s National Security Advisor Ali Larijani, Lebanese leaders made blunt statements to him opposing Tehran’s interference in Lebanon’s debate over Hizbullah’s disarmament.

The United States has conditioned comprehensive economic aid to Lebanon on Hizbullah’s disarmament. Recently, the Lebanese government attempted to negotiate with the Trump administration a condition whereby Hizbullah’s disarmament would occur only after an Israeli withdrawal from the last five Israeli positions inside southern Lebanon. This move appeared designed to convince Hizbullah that its weapons were no longer necessary; however, the Trump administration rejected the proposal. When Iran’s ambassador in Beirut, Mojtaba Amani, claimed that the calls to disarm Hizbullah were part of an American conspiracy, the Lebanese foreign ministry issued a public reprimand of him in April 2025.

Hizbullah’s Continuing Popularity Among Shi’ites

A survey by the Arab Barometer project, published in July 2024, found that 15 percent of the Shiite community in Lebanon expressed distrust or limited trust in Hizbullah, while 85 percent expressed strong confidence in the organization. The survey, conducted before Hasan Nasrallah’s assassination, aligns with a Washington Institute of Near Eastern Policy survey in Lebanon in late 2023, which found that 89 percent of Shi’ites held a positive opinion of Hizbullah.

In the Lebanese municipal elections of May 2025, Hizbullah candidates won in Shi’ite-majority districts (in southern Lebanon, Baalbek, and Beirut) in alliance with the Shi’ite political party Amal, thereby passing the first political test since the demise of Hasan Nasrallah in 2024. The results reflect Hizbullah’s continuing popularity among Lebanese Shi’ites, whether out of ideological motives or economic dependence or both.

To challenge Hezbollah’s vast political and social network among Lebanese Shi’ites, under Iranian auspices, the Lebanese state should consider, with international support, establishing a competing structure to rival Hizbullah’s broad institutional network, to include medical, educational, financial, humanitarian and other services that would, over time, reduce the Shi’ite community’s economic dependence on Hizbullah. Among the possible donors to such an effort could be individuals in the large Lebanese diaspora in Europe and the Americas, as well as countries like France and the US.

Conclusion

Hizbullah’s armed militia forces are a core concern that dominates Lebanon’s political landscape and lies at the center of US policy toward the country. Alongside the American and Lebanese pressures to disarm Hizbullah, significant economic investment is required; the Lebanese government should take the lead role in organizing such an effort with international support. The goal of three parties – Israel, the US and Lebanon – should be to work on parallel tracks to undermine Hizbullah’s standing among its social base and thereby weaken its political influence in the Shi’ite community.

Published in The Jerusalem Stratrgic Tribune, August 20, 2025.

Since the November 2024 ceasefire, Hezbollah has been mired in a severe crisis, facing military, economic, and political attacks. Israel has been striking the terrorist organization’s operatives and strategic infrastructure, the US has been intensifying sanctions, and the Lebanese government is under growing pressure to disarm Hezbollah and curb its influence.

Hezbollah rejected Lebanon’s historic August 7 government decision to dismantle its military wing, and implementation now appears unlikely. Lebanon is motivated by two main factors: freeing itself from Iranian domination and meeting US conditions for urgently needed economic aid.

Lebanon’s prime minister dismissed Hezbollah’s long standing formula of “the army, the people, the resistance” and attempted to link disarmament to an Israeli withdrawal from five outposts in the country. The Trump administration refused, pushing instead for immediate disarmament.

Israel has been benefiting from Hezbollah’s weakness, highlighted by its absence from Operation Rising Lion, in which Iran suffered a major blow. Under Naim Qassem, Hezbollah faces a prolonged recovery after the assassination of its senior leadership, which has also strained ties with Tehran. Although Qassem was appointed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s representative in Lebanon and received symbolic gestures of Iranian support, the personal dimension of the relationship has been disrupted by Hassan Nasrallah’s elimination.

In a recent online address to a religious conference in Qom, Qassem portrayed Hezbollah as a direct continuation of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s ideology and praised its fight against Israel. In reality, he has largely refrained from retaliating for Israeli strikes that have killed more than 130 operatives and destroyed critical infrastructure. Meanwhile, Hezbollah has allowed the Israel Defense Forces to maintain control over five strategic positions along the border.

A 2024 poll found that 85% of Lebanon’s Shiites express strong trust in Hezbollah, consistent with previous surveys indicating stable or growing support. In the May 2025 municipal elections, Hezbollah strengthened its grip on Shiite-majority areas through political alliances, particularly with the Amal movement. This backing stems from both ideological loyalty and economic dependence.

With no economic alternative and continued Iranian funding, most Shiites remain loyal. To undermine Hezbollah’s base, the US must lead a long-term strategy to challenge the terrorist organization’s network of schools, welfare programs, religious institutions, and financial services, by creating a rival infrastructure backed by billions of dollars in American investment.

Such a strategy would aim to break Shiite economic dependence on Hezbollah. Shiites make up about 40% of Lebanon’s population, compared to Sunnis at around 30% and Christians at 25%, and bring them under the Lebanese state’s authority. With sustained American economic and political aid, Lebanon might persuade Shiites to keep only light weapons and give up Hezbollah’s heavy arsenal, despite fears rooted in the sectarian bloodshed in Syria and security concerns.

Backed by US support and strengthened Shiite opposition to Hezbollah, combined with ongoing Israeli efforts to block its recovery, the terrorist organization’s political and social influence could be eroded over the long term, rather than aiming for quick results during Trump’s presidency.

Hezbollah, which remained armed under the 1989 Taif Agreement, has effectively become Lebanon’s sovereign power, using its weapons for political assassinations. It still seeks to advance its vision of a Shiite revival and continued conflict with Israel, even as it attempts to reinvent itself.

The massacre in Syria’s Sweida province has reinforced Hezbollah’s determination to remain armed, fearing revenge from Sunnis and Christians. The terrorist organization remains loyal to Iran and signals readiness to renew armed conflict with Israel in the future, serving the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which relies on it as a key regional force.

Despite recent remarks by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, Tehran appears to be avoiding public involvement in the dispute, weakened by the war and aware that open support would damage Hezbollah. This was evident in April 2024, when Lebanon’s Foreign Ministry issued an unprecedented reprimand to Iran’s ambassador in Beirut after he spoke out against Hezbollah’s disarmament.

To counter Hezbollah’s rejection of disarmament, Lebanon needs sustained US economic and political investment, along with continued Israeli action to prevent the terrorist organization’s recovery, aimed at weakening its support among Shiites and diminishing its military and political power.

Published in  Israel Hayom, August  10, 2025.

The massacre unfolding against the Druze in southern Syria, in which hundreds of civilians have been slaughtered, is not just another footnote in a region otherwise filled with constant bloodshed and turmoil. This is a moral test for the international community, and those who claim to stand for human rights and seek to rebuild the country torn apart by decades of civil war and the brutal dictatorship of the Assad regime.

In recent days, we have witnessed Druze civilians systematically hunted, humiliated, and murdered by forces loyal to, or possibly even part of, the Syrian regime of Ahmad al-Sharra: the jihadist-turned-would-be statesman, and new darling of the international community. That same international community has remained largely silent in the face of this unfolding massacre.

But silence is complicity.

As Holocaust survivor Elie Weisel implored us: “We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere.”

That is precisely why Israel chose to interfere with military action, to defend the Druze.

The Druze are a small but proud religious and ethnic minority in the Middle East, numbering around one million, primarily in Syria, Lebanon, and northern Israel. In Israel, they are an integral and cherished part of our society. They serve in the military, hold senior positions in government, and have long stood shoulder to shoulder with the Jewish people in defending the state, including fighting in Gaza, after the October 7 massacre by Hamas. They are our brothers-in-arms.

But in Syria, the Druze are now at a perilous crossroad. After more than a decade of civil war, economic collapse, betrayal and hardship, the Druze in the southern Syrian city of Sweida, home to the country’s largest Druze community, sought to peacefully protest for their basic rights, dignity, and freedom.

And for that, they are now in the regime’s crosshairs.
What started with attacks by Bedouin forces against the Druze escalated when government forces entered Sweida, supposedly to oversee a ceasefire. But according to media reports and eye witnesses, the Syrian soldiers, recognisable by their uniforms and military insignia, joined the Bedouins and murdered Druze on the streets and in their homes.

Sickening videos have also emerged of thugs forcibly shaving the beards of Druze men, a calculated act of religious humiliation. Such outrages against personal dignity, particularly acts of humiliating and degrading treatment, constitute clear violations of international law and the Geneva Conventions.

For the Jewish people, this evokes a chilling reminder of one of the darkest chapters in our history, when Nazis similarly sought to strip Jewish men of their dignity and faith by publicly shaving their beards and humiliating them in public. This is not just repression, it is dehumanisation.

And as the world largely stood by – silent, or offering little more than empty words and meek statements of concern – while Druze were massacred in Sweida, I am proud that Israel did not turn its back. The Jewish state showed courage, conviction and leadership, to step in with military force against the Syrian regime, to help defend our Druze brothers.

For Israel, the bond with the Druze is not abstract. It is deeply personal. Their loyalty has never wavered. Nor can ours now.
The Druze have also stood for moderation, coexistence, and resistance to extremism. In a region overrun by Iranian proxies, jihadist militias, and failed regimes, the Druze offer a rare glimmer of hope.

This is not only about doing the right thing and protecting a vulnerable minority. Supporting the Druze is a moral imperative.
Meantime, the international community cannot continue treating President al-Sharra as a legitimate partner on the world stage or welcome Syria into the Abraham Accords, while turning a blind eye to the atrocities that are being committing in Sweida.

It is not enough for al-Sharra to issue vague condemnations or deflect blame onto so-called “outlaw groups.” Even if he did not give the orders, these atrocities are unfolding on his watch, under his authority, carried out by forces loyal to his regime – and reportedly by his own troops.

There must be accountability.

If al-Sharra wishes to be seen as a credible leader or statesman, he must demonstrate it – not with empty rhetoric, but through decisive action. That begins with reining in these jihadist thugs, whether they are merely aligned with his regime or, worse, operating within it.

The Druze of Sweida are not pleading for your sympathy, they are demanding their inalienable right to live in peace and dignity, with full civil rights. What happens next will reveal whether the international community truly seeks a new Syria, or will continue rewarding tyranny with silence. For Israel however, silence was simply not an option.

Published in The Jewish Chronicle, July 18, 2025.

May 24, 2000, marked the height of Hezbollah’s glory. A moment in which, from its perspective, it succeeded, for the first time in the Arab world, in causing Israel to unilaterally withdraw from Arab territory (the security zone in southern Lebanon) without a political agreement. That victory not only strengthened its standing in Lebanon and among the Shiite society but also enabled it to complete its takeover of Lebanon and shape a new reality in the country, wherein it is the real sovereign, while the Lebanese government and army became secondary players. It seems that Nasrallah’s “Spider Web” speech, delivered in Bint Jbeil on May 26, 2000, two days after the withdrawal, expressed the smugness and euphoria he fell into at that time, after the terrorist organization achieved the most significant accomplishment in its history.

In Hezbollah’s view, the victory in 2000 constituted a historical turning point.
Under the guise of “resistance,” Hezbollah took over the mechanisms of the Lebanese state and society and granted itself complete freedom of action. The most notable expression of this was the abduction of IDF soldiers Goldwasser and Regev in July 2006 – a military initiative that caught the Lebanese government and its army completely by surprise. Nasrallah acted smugly and with a sense of superiority toward Israel, believing he understood its weak points after decoding the Israeli genome. But in reality, he miscalculated, and Israel chose to respond with full-scale war (the Second Lebanon War).

After the failures of the Second Lebanon War, both sides sought to learn from it and prepare for the next campaign. Hezbollah, with the support of Iran’s Quds Force, began an impressive force-building process, including the precision missile project, the establishment of the Radwan Force intended for the “conquest of the Galilee,” and broad strengthening of its logistics and combat systems. The organization built itself into an advanced army, equipped with modern weapons and diverse capabilities.
But in Israel, a quiet yet powerful transformation took place: a dramatic intelligence improvement and the intensification of precise counteraction capabilities.

All of this was manifested with great force during the war that broke out in October 2023, especially from late July 2024, when Hezbollah’s “Chief of Staff” Fuad Shukr was eliminated, and the peak that transpired in September 2024 with the surprise attack – the “Pager Attack” – through which Israel succeeded in striking deep into Hezbollah’s command and control arrays, and through a series of eliminations it carried out during the war, it succeeded in eliminating the organization’s leadership: Nasrallah, his successor Hashem Safi al-Din, operations commander Ibrahim Aqil, southern front commander Ali Karaki, Mohammad Jaafar Qasir – commander of Unit 4400 (responsible for smuggling weapons from Iran to Lebanon), and many others. The combination of accurate intelligence and lethal means created a move that reshuffled the deck for Hezbollah.

According to the Alma Center, Israel succeeded in impairing 176 senior Hezbollah members – leadership, high to mid-level military command, knowledge centers, and so forth.

Since the ceasefire on November 27, 2024, Hezbollah is undergoing a deep internal review.
The organization is investigating how Israel managed to achieve such dramatic successes and how it penetrated its systems so deeply. It claims to have arrested spy networks working for Israel. But the simple fact is that Hezbollah was critically harmed – physically, economically, morally, and cognitively – and needs a long and comprehensive rehabilitation of its military, intelligence, and political power.

Meanwhile, it must also deal with a difficult internal challenge: rebuilding trust within the Shiite community, which suffered heavy losses in the war. The community, which supported it for years out of a sense of mission and resistance to Israel, is showing signs of fatigue. Hezbollah Secretary General Naim Qassem understands the difficulty facing the organization and accordingly signaled again in his speech marking the withdrawal anniversary on May 25, 2025, that the organization will not be dragged into a new confrontation with Israel and is leaving the lead in dealing with Israel to the Lebanese government.

But not everything is bad for Hezbollah: In the municipal elections, the organization succeeded in maintaining its influence in southern Lebanon, the Bekaa, and Beirut.
It proves that in the civil and municipal sphere – its power is still great. Its political, economic, and social infrastructures still give it an inherent advantage that has not eroded.

Still, Hezbollah stands before a dual strategic challenge: External – rehabilitating deterrence and power against Israel, and internal – maintaining hegemony within Lebanon.
Initiatives by senior Lebanese state officials – led by President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam – to advance Hezbollah’s disarmament, illustrate the state’s attempt to rid itself of Hezbollah’s hegemony. But there is serious doubt whether declarations alone will succeed in forcing Hezbollah to give up its weapons, which are the backbone of its power and influence.

To challenge Hezbollah’s power, a comprehensive American strategy is needed, that will help the Lebanese state draw the Shiite community closer via a broad mechanism that will offer it patronage and aim to sever its dependence on Iran and Hezbollah, thus eroding Hezbollah’s social base. Alongside this, the U.S. must strengthen the Lebanese army by removing Hezbollah’s influence over it, primarily through Shiite officers in its ranks holding army roles.

Despite the Trump administration’s desire to achieve immediate gains against Hezbollah in Lebanon, it is difficult to expect that the United States will be able to reap immediate benefits in the country when faced with a comprehensive Iranian strategy that has been implemented in Lebanon since the early 1980s. Therefore, the Trump administration should adopt a long-term perspective aimed at leading deep processes that cannot be completed hastily.

The Trump administration should encourage the Lebanese state to regain sovereignty at Hezbollah’s expense. In light of Hezbollah’s weakening, significant signs already indicate the Lebanese state’s strengthening since the ceasefire. This includes the election (January 2025) of Joseph Aoun as president (after two years without a president, during which Hezbollah pushed for Suleiman Frangieh’s election), who already declared at his inauguration that only the Lebanese state would act to remove the “Israeli occupation,” and subsequently the election of Nawaf Salam as prime minister; the summons of Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mojtaba Amani, (April 2025) for a historic reprimand after publicly criticizing the Lebanese initiative to disarm Hezbollah, calling it a “clear conspiracy” and warning against “falling into the enemy’s trap” ; the suspension of flights from Iran to Lebanon in January 2025—prompted by Israel’s threat to target Beirut Airport due to its use by Tehran for smuggling to Hezbollah—which paved the way for a broader initiative by the Lebanese state to assert control over the airport. Reportedly, in early May, Hezbollah’s significant foothold at this strategic site was impaired after dozens of airport employees suspected of ties to it were fired, and inspection procedures were tightened.

These early signs of the Lebanese state’s reclaiming of sovereignty and the erosion of Hezbollah’s influence are significant and promising yet still fall short of bringing about a historic transformation in Lebanon.

Thus, despite PM Salam’s recent declaration (May 26) that the era of exporting the Iranian revolution to Lebanon is over, as important as it is, it is still not enough to produce real change. Hezbollah, apparently now led by two of its surviving commanders, Mohammad Haidar and Haitham Ali Tabatabai (alongside Secretary General Naim Qassem), is now experiencing, indeed, the most significant crisis in its history.

Nonetheless, according to Alma Center’s assessment, Hezbollah still holds around 20,000 rockets of all sorts and is assisted by Quds Force personnel in Lebanon to rebuild its force and readiness. Due to the difficulty in smuggling arms from Iran, including thwarted attempts via Syria by the new regime, the organization is striving to rebuild its missile arsenal via local production, however, under continued Israeli attacks, it is also seeking to establish a maritime smuggling route in collaboration with Iran. Moreover, Hezbollah has come to recognize a disconnect between its military capabilities and its capacity to fully exercise them, due to opposition from the Lebanese state. Nevertheless, it is actively striving to rebuild and strengthen itself in order to regain its footing.

In conclusion, 25 years after the IDF’s withdrawal from Lebanon, Hezbollah, now in the deepest crisis of its history, is no longer the same organization. Hezbollah must adapt to the absence of Nasrallah, who played such a dominant role in the organization since the 1990s, and cultivate a new generation of commanders (including senior officers at the unit and regional command levels) to fill the ranks in place of their eliminated peers.
History remembers the withdrawal as a rare achievement for it, but the present and the future confront it with significant challenges.

Published in Alma, May 29, 2025.